Going Beyond Ethnicity: Understanding the Conflict in Manipur | Leivon Victor Lamkang & Karamala Areesh Kumar

There are no indications that the violence in the foothills will stop, even after the Churachandpur eruption- the conflict’s primary cause- erupted more than a year ago. Mainstream writers and the media frequently conceptualise political instability in the state as exclusively the product of ethnic providence, despite the state’s long history of ethnic warfare and the up to ten presidential rules that have been linked to it since the 1960s. Even while it would be erroneous to take ethnicity out of the equation, they frequently fail to highlight the conflict that transcends ethnicity. This specific dispute, which started on May 3, is however surrounded by several variables, such as security worries, Manipur’s distinctive history, global repercussions, unequal political representation, governmental misconceptions, and a lack of social security.

Illegal Immigration and Narco-Terrorism

Manipur shares a 398 km porous border with Myanmar; as of right currently, just 6.81 km of that border is gated. Due to the rebellion against the Juntas and other ongoing civil wars in the country, which have a direct or indirect impact on the region, especially Manipur, the presence of a 16 km Free Movement Regime (FMR) between the states, which was previously 40 km, also contributes to illegal immigration in the state, accounting for almost 5457 illegal immigrants from Myanmar. The population of the Kuki community has increased due to illegal immigration, and as a result, the locals have become accustomed to engaging in illicit activities like poppy farming.

The Kuki community has responded to the notion that it is a one-sided blame game by pointing out that 381 members of the Metei group were detained under the Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act between 2017 and 2023. The lucrative drug trade that travels through the area thus adds to the state’s drug trafficking problem. As a result, the government has been fighting the state’s drug problem since 2018 with a campaign dubbed "War on Drugs." Consequently, as much as 19,135 acres of illicit poppies were destroyed as a result of these derivatives, mostly in the Kuki-dominated areas. However, the government’s abandonment of these cultivations left the drug growers with no convincing alternative options. Instead, alternative policies that would open up new avenues for the deeply rooted communities to survive should be encouraged. This would cause the communities to become resentful of the government and see violence as a path to freedom, even though it might not be a healthy one.

The Metei community, which is home to the majority and most powerful of the aforementioned, also experiences insecurity as a result of these cases of excessive population growth and ludicrous wealth increases. Thus, a struggle between the two societies gradually created tension between them, even though this may not have been the immediate reason. As a result, one of the numerous conflict-related trigger points is the problem of such conspiracies.

Asymmetrical Political Representation and Division of Hill Valley

Manipur is small, with 51% of the people being Meitei, who make up 10% of the state’s total territory, and 40% of the population being Nagas and Kukis, who share 90% of the state’s geographical region. The state’s legislative assembly has 60 seats, of which 40 are held by the Meteis. While some argue that tribals can run for the remaining 40 seats, this is viewed as a weak justification given the demographics of the state, which suggest that tribals cannot win an election in a constituency with a high Meitei population and 20 seats divided between the Naga and Kuki groups, who make up 40% of the state’s population.

As a result, this practicality is frequently cited as one of the primary reasons for the state’s uneven development, even though it is indisputable that hill representatives-whether serving in the state assembly or as central government representatives-are far too rigid to implement any significant changes in the area. This results in an uneven representation that impacts every facet of equality, ranging from the distribution of funds to almost every significant cabinet in the state.

Nevertheless, the deceit cannot be disproved because, despite systemic improvements, fundamental adjustments are necessary for the system to function democratically. Because of these connections, the communities suffer from decades of strife that is made worse by their mutual fear of the state’s authoritarianism and the ensuing invisible hostility that eventually surfaces as a slow but real threat.

The Issue of Social Insecurity

Regarding security, there are many distinct forms of social insecurity in Manipur, ranging from the possibility of crossing international borders to conflicts amongst various communities inside the state as a result of uneven and imbalanced social policies. The Kukis and the Naga community, who make up the majority of the Hill people, frequently lack access to many social policies. Let’s start with the budgetary aspects: between 2017 and 2020, the Imphal Valley received a total budget of INR 21,481 crores, while the Hills received a much smaller amount of INR 419 crores. In addition to the previously mentioned, the loss of a significant ministerial position in the state cabinet results in a shortage of developmental opportunities, some of which are necessities for human survival in the form of roads, healthcare facilities, and educational institutions. The Metei community frequently owns and controls even the news channels.

Due to the Kuki community’s unpopular takeover of the state’s governing apparatus, which includes bureaucracy and uniform positions, the valley’s population accounts for 50% of the state’s overall population also susceptible to instability. Furthermore, Imphal and other valley areas-which account for only 10% of the state’s total land area-are overpopulated by valley residents. Even though it is a very contentious idea, this has led to a rise in the demand for ST status among the valley’s residents as a form of security.

The hill people had little choice but to back their rebel organisations due to the lack of advancement and the majoritarian atmosphere that eventually led to social upheaval; this boosted the groups’ power throughout the region. Given the current situation, the conflict is continuing because it helps the insurgent groups, who wish to utilise violence to continue pressuring the government for several demands as long as the conflict persists in the Centre.

Issues of Misconceptions

For example, many people in Manipur think that the government only speaks for the Metei community. Even when policies are merely related to the government’s interests, they are often blamed on the Meteis when they are implemented in a way that badly affects the hill people. Because of this, the general public has a false impression of the communities that frequently associates them with violence and fosters hostility between them. However, it is indisputable that the failure of both the previous and current administrations to educate the public is to fault for these false beliefs.

Way Forward

On the road ahead, Prioritising the identification of the issue of unequal political representation, it is crucial to reconcile equitable representation in the hills and valleys with demographic considerations. Second, need should take precedence over majoritarianism or demographics when it comes to balanced growth and budget allocation. This will make it possible for budget allocation to change structurally, leading to balanced growth in the end. Thirdly, instead of emphasising community-based alignment, the pressure groups ought to be restructured to concentrate on the welfare of the general populace. Fourth, securing steps to prevent the golden triangle in the region and resolving the border issue to prevent any cross-border drug terrorism. Lastly, and perhaps most crucially, everyone concerned should embrace reason and positivism rather than attempting to make sense of the hate that exists in society.

(Authors: Leivon Victor Lamkang, Research Scholar, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University, India. Email: leovictornr[at]outlook.com ; Dr. Karamala Areesh Kumar, Head, Department of International Relations, Peace and Public Policy (IRP and PP), St Joseph’s University, Bengaluru-560027, India, Email: areeshkaramalajnu@gmail.com, karamala.areesh[at]sju.edu.in, ORCiD: https://orcid.org/my-orcid?orcid=0000-0002-3908-071X)