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Mainstream, Vol 63 No 17, 18, April 26- May 3, 2025
West Bengal: Mamata Banerjee Facing Political/Communal Missiles! Nilofar Suhrawardy
Sunday 27 April 2025, by
#socialtagsIf assembly elections in West Bengal were not due within less than a year from now, in all probability, the state Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee would not have been facing political/communal missiles of the nature she is now. The nature of noise together with issue as well as socio-political atmosphere with which the same is linked cannot also be side-lined. If the amended Waqf Bill had not been passed by the Parliament and received the President’s stamp of approval, some other issue would have probably been picked up. Yes, protests did take place in West Bengal and other parts of country against the amended Waqf Bill. Live coverage of the same did not reflect any violence and/or rioting immediately after it being passed. Besides, the “extremist” tag being attached to it regarding Banerjee’s policies as well the tension in a few areas in the state appears to be politically motivated than is actually the scene there. Of course, the fact areas- Murshidabad and Bhangar- have been affected cannot be missed. Equally significant is the fact that this does not indicate that whole of West Bengal is “burning.” But yes, such “impression” is being promoted.
It cannot be ignored, tension surfaced in Murshidabad a few days after the amended Waqf Bill was passed. More than 200 arrests were made. As the situation was controlled in Murshidabad, violence hit Bhangar. Certainly, violence in any part of the state or country only raises questions about how did concerned authorities, including leaders, let the situation turn to this stage? These also include parts where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) heads the state government. This point may not have been made, if these areas were free of communally-provoked violence as well action against minorities, including bull-dozing of their property, etc. It would be wrong to view these as politically correct strategies, for they seem purposely exercised for the sake of provoking communal tension and using cards in the name of religion, particularly when elections are around the corner. It is difficult to view “noise” about communal violence in West Bengal from not being purposely indulged in with similar motives.
Violence in parts of Murshidabad and Bhangar, it may be noted, has not provoked citizens in other parts of the state and even country to the stage of similar riots. Irrespective of the role played by leaders and concerned authorities, greater credit should be given to citizens not being willing or even interested in resorting to communal violence in response to it taking place in a part of their state. People across the country have apparently become extremely conscious about political use/abuse made of “religious” issues by giving them a communal colour. The serious losers in such political drama tend to be common persons. Rather than be entrapped in the same drama, citizens in other parts of West Bengal have chosen not to be affected by the same. This also holds true of the Hindi belt and rest of India.
Strangely, these realities have not cautioned religious extremists-including saffron brigade- about the limited political appeal of their “religious-cards,” particularly when laced with communal jargon. It is not without reason that mega-Ayodhya failed to help BJP return to power with a sweeping majority and that the party lost the parliamentary seat in the very area.
Nevertheless, it seems, the party remains hopeful that making most of the Waqf-law, indulging in negative propaganda against Banerjee – describing her as a “Muslim supporter” – and so forth will help it gain ground in West Bengal and succeed against the former in coming assembly elections. West Bengal is not a part of Hindi belt, where prominent BJP leaders have appeal. Their statements such as that of Bengal “burning” does help them secure media coverage -but as recent record of this move’s electoral appeal in Hindi belt suggests- it is least likely to be of much help in West Bengal. Yes, there is no denying, Banerjee apparently doesn’t have the same political appeal in her home state as she did earlier. Speculations about her losing ground cannot be ignored. At the same time, the reality of her rival parties being devoid of a strong regional leader against her cannot be ignored. Besides, reverse impact of cards being used by BJP to emerge the winner must also be considered. Blaming the state government for infiltration from Bangladesh is not fully justified. It is supposed to be the centre’s responsibility.
At this point, one cannot but question, why should Banerjee’s secularism be questioned if she chooses to give consideration to problems faced by Muslims? She is an elected representative and as chief minister is responsible to do the same. And why should be labelled as anti-Hindu for her secularism? Statistically, during last elections, in the 294-member West Bengal assembly, of the 213 seats won by Trinamool Congress (TMC), 41were won by Muslims. Less than 20 percent of the seats held by TMC were won by Muslims in this party in 2021. This also indicates that around 80 percent TMC MLAs in the present Assembly are non-Muslims. And why should religious identity of any leader or any person be questioned if she/he chooses to support constitutional rights of Indian Muslims? If this logic entertained by saffron brigade towards Banerjee is applied towards senior lawyers questioning the amended Waqf Bill through petitions filed in the Supreme Court, would their “secularism” be deliberated upon? The majority are Hindus. No. The same may be said about the respected bench, who asked the centre to answer openly on whether it would consider Muslims in Hindu religious boards (April 16, 2025), while hearing petitions against the amended Waqf Bill. There is a difference in being religious as a secular Indian and in choosing to deliberately indulge in communalism for the sake of using “religious/communal” card to gain electorally. Sadly, at present, an attempt is being to promote such politicking in West Bengal and against Banerjee. The positive point, as suggested earlier, is that majority in West Bengal have chosen not to be provoked by such communal politicking. Politically, the accusation made about Banerjee being more in favour of Muslims than Hindus falls flat when their representation as TMC MLAs is considered!
(Author: Nilofar Suhrawardy is a senior journalist and writer with specialization in communication studies and nuclear diplomacy. She has come out with several books. These include:— Modi’s Victory, A Lesson for the Congress…? (2019); Arab Spring, Not Just a Mirage! (2019), Image and Substance, Modi’s First Year in Office (2015) and Ayodhya Without the Communal Stamp, In the Name of Indian Secularism (2006))