With Whom Lies The Blame For Partition as per Anil Seal | Bhavuk

Anil Seal’s recent statement(or a part thereof) which has been surfacing in the media has caused a stir among academics in India. The statement appears to be a misrepresentation of Anil Seal by the reporter who is probably not a trained historian. Historians and Academics familiar with Seal’s book on Emergence of Indian Nationalism would know that he was the first one to expose the role played by Muslim elites of U.P. in moving towards separatism aided and abetted by the British which eventually led to the partition of India. Peter Hardy in his Muslims of British India (1972) and Francis Robinson in his Separatism Among UP Muslims 1860-1923 (1974) have developed further on this theme to drive home this conclusion of Anil Seal. Even Chaudhary Khaliquzzaman in his Pathway To Pakistan (1961) has quoted Maulana Azad to assert the role of Muslim elites of UP. He quotes Azad who says- “students of Indian politics know that it was from the U.P. that the League was re-organized. Mr.Jinnah took full advantage of the situation and started an offensive which led to Pakistan.”(p.xiii)

Seal wrote his The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century (1968) where his position appears quite different from the statement doing the rounds recently. In the last chapter of his book titled The Muslim Breakaway, he has comprehensively spelled out that the Muslims were standing aloof from the Congress as well as the fact that the backwardness of the Lower Bengal was used by the Muslims of North West Provinces and Oudh(present day UP) to further their own cause. It was Muslims from NWP and Oudh who knew that the coming up of Congress and its demands would prove to be a fatal blow to their hitherto privileged position. We shall look at two aspects here, one being the shrewd tactics of separatism applied by Muslim Elites of the NWP and Oudh and the other being the divisive politics of Jinnah, “a borrowed captain of the Kutchery Milieu team”. During this entire survey, we would do well to remember that this separatism was aided, abetted and encouraged by the Colonial power.

Seal’s Expose Of “The Muslim Breakaway”

Seal commences the ultimate chapter of his book with the Hunter Committee Report. He dives deeper into it to establish the fact that the findings of this report held true only for the Lower Bengal area and not for the other areas of North India especially in NWP and Oudh.

Relying quite heavily on imperial data, Seal brings forth the fact that Muslims were over-represented in proportion to their population in NWP and Oudh.

Commencing with the Hunter Committee Report, he states that for the period from 1852-1868 not one of the pleaders was a Muslim at the High Court of Calcutta. (p.303)

As educational qualifications became more and more important in administration for the posts of Solicitors, Attorneys and Proctors, Muslims were being forced out because of their backwardness in education. The emphasis on education was increasing so much that by 1887 almost all un-covenanted officers in the judicial and executive services of Bengal had passed some University examination and one third had degrees. (pp.303-304)

Between 1876-1885, 51 Muslims & 1338 Hindus took a B.A. degree in Calcutta. Because Muslims had a small share in higher education so their share in higher employment was also lower. (pp.303-304)

He then moved to the NWP and Oudh to contrast the situation of that province with Bengal. He quotes from a contemporary of Hunter, J.C. Lyall to establish that the “North-Western Provinces have a complete reversal of the state of things in Bengal. There the Muhammadans are vastly outnumbered by the Hindus; but, inasmuch as the unlettered multitudes are mainly Hindu, while the Muhammadans as a class belong to the middle and higher strata, the latter possess much more than the share of Government employment which their mere numbers would give them, and are comparatively a thriving and energetic element in society.” (pp.306-307)

In the NWP and Oudh, Muslim population was 13% but here Muslims were more influential, prosperous and better educated than their co-religionists in any other province of British India. Larger portion of Muslims lived in towns and of the rural Muslims many were landlords. Urban population of NWP and Oudh was 9.7% of which Muslims were 34.6% [25% Muslims & 7% Hindus lived in towns]. Contrasting the situation with Bengal, we find only 3.5% Muslims lived in towns. (p.305)

Moreover, in NWP and Oudh, the revenue settlement based on Thomason’s policies, intended to preserve the status quo and therefore, settlements were made with Zamindars & village headmen. The implication of this was that of the 337 taluqdars in Oudh 78% were Muslims. (p.307) It also made sure that Urdu remained the language of administration, though interesting it is to note that it was the British who were more anxious during the 1850s to see more and more Muslims take up Urdu.

Talking of the early 1880s, out of all un-covenanted judicial posts in U.P. which had appointments at Rs 75 and above per month, 45% were held by Muslims. However, the introduction of educational qualifications saw a decline in Muslim share of these posts which is evident by the fact that Muslims held just 29.6% such posts in 1887. It was for this very reason that the National Mohammedan Association(founded in 1878 by Syed Amir Ali) demanded in its memorial of 1882 that a proportion of jobs be reserved for Muslims. There should be less emphasis on university education as qualification and no simultaneous competitive examinations for covenanted services and no exams at all for un-covenanted services should be held. It is interesting to note that these were the demands championed by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and a Bengali Muslim taking interest in the matter clearly shows the potential of the NWP and Oudh Muslims as narrative makers and in securing power. It is poignant to note that when Sir Syed resigned from the Imperial Council in March 1883, Syed Amir Ali was the one who replaced him. Thus, the British by goading up other leaders from within the Muslims, were trying to set off not just Hindus against Hindus but also Muslims against Muslims.

They were secured in their position as narrative makers also because of the fact that Muslims from NWP and Oudh were public servants in other parts of Upper India, in Punjab and Hyderabad etc. When it came to matters within the province, this position of influence was even more pronounced as can be gauged from the fact that Lucknow bar was manned completely by Muslims. (The term “Kutchery Milieu” used by David Lelyveld applies best here as power capture was best assured through this class for the Muslims in the political system coming up)

This elicited a remark from the Director of Public Instruction in Oudh, Kempson(a bete noire of Sir Syed) that “whatever may be the case in Bengal or elsewhere, it is not so in Oudh. In Upper India, a generally backward region in terms of education and economic change, Muslims were generally forward.”(p.307) The attitude of distinctiveness coupled with the feeling of entitlement emanating from the thought of being the ex-ruling elite was prodded by the Colonial masters. Their aim with this was to create divisiveness among the Indians. This point is not lost on Anil Seal too who quotes a British administrator that “not only might Muslim be set against Hindus but Muslims might be set against Muslims and Hindu against Hindu.” (p.308) This was because of the fact that Muslims of NWP and Oudh thought of themselves alone in terms of ex-ruling elite and looked down upon their co-religionists in other parts of India, their special wrath being reserved for the Bengalis. Not even Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was free from this blemish.

Associational Politics and the supremacy that leaders of these associations wanted to establish among their communities is well established by Ulrik Stark who has dealt with this concept most comprehensively through the example of Jalsa-i Tahzeeb of Lucknow. Thus, various associations were formed among the Muslims which vied for position of prominence among the community starting from the Mohammedan Literary & Scientific Society which was established by Abdul Latif in 1863. Seeing the importance that associations held in public life of that time, even the government was anxious to patronize and thereby cultivate certain associations. In 1878, the National Mohammedan Association was formed by Syed Amir Ali with active government support. Government’s efforts were directed towards the revival of Muslim fortunes and to win it a political organization of Muslims, a fact duly acknowledged by Seal (p.311)

The scheme of local self-government by Ripon gave a point of congruence to Muslim fears because of which Yusuf Ali, Muslim spokesman in Bengal Legislative council demanded separate representation for Muslims. This was because at the local levels, municipalities were an arena to assert the dominance of their respective communities by the elected members as shown by Robinson. A Hindu chairman of the district board of municipality would place a ban on slaughterhouses whereas a Muslim chairman would try to oversee his co-religionists voting more than the Hindus. (Francis Robinson, Separatism Among UP Muslims 1860-1923, 1974, p.56)

This led to things coming to such an impasse that antagonism was evident now. Rivers Thompson’s (Lieutenant Governor of Bengal at that time) letter to Ripon of May 1883 clearly stated that there existed an extreme religious animosity.

Knowing that Hindu population was overwhelmingly high in the NWP and Oudh, Sir Syed spoke against any elective principle for India in January 1883. He also knew that increased emphasis on education at this stage would lead to a disadvantage for the Muslims.

By this time, only 18% Indians in un-covenanted positions had passed the University entrance exam. Congress demand for competitive exams and University exams as the means to office was vehemently opposed by the Muslim Elite of NWP and Oudh as they argued that if these demands were acceded then the local population would suffer and Bengalis would get most of the jobs. Witnesses from NWP & Oudh (called the Urdu Elite by Robinson) rejected the congress line before the Public Service Commission. Ajudianath said that exams to the services, if at all necessary, should only be on a provincial basis.

Whereas Theodore Beck, principal of MAO college, suggested giving absolutely equal share to both communities would be an ideal solution.
Consequently the first Muslim Educational conference was held in 1886 and though formed for the upgradation of MAO college to University, in due course of time it became a mouthpiece of the Muslim League(formed in 1906).

Simultaneously, the Kayastha Conference too was held, organized by Lucknow pleaders, Munshi Har Govind Dayal and Sri Ram. The Conference held annual meetings from November 1887 onwards demanding Urdu to be replaced by Hindi in Devanagari script (this has first been demanded by Fatehchand in 1867). Over this issue, the Muslim landowners and zamindars as well as administrators sided with the United Patriotic Association of Sir Syed whereas Kayasthas inevitably shifted to the Congress’ side. This fact becomes evident from the data of attendees at the Allahabad session of Congress where Kayasthas came out openly in support of the Congress. Interestingly even 222 Muslims were there though delving deep into it we find the Muslim Elite still remained aloof as Auckland Colvin(then Lieutenant Governor of NWP and Oudh) remarked that only 63 of them(Muslim attendees) could be called men of prominence.

The influence of the Muslim Elite of NWP and Oudh can be gauged from the fact that Badruddin Tyabji who had established the Anjuman in Bombay was ousted by the Bombay National Mohemmedan Association in 1882 so that his influence was on the wane and less and less Muslims followed his bogey in to the Congress.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in his letter to Tyabji dated 24th January 1888 likened the Muslims to the snake-bitten person who will die by the time the antidote arrives from Iraq and cautioned that Muslims should not compete with Hindus. The British were described as Khilafatullah and Aligarh(Kutchery Milieu) exhorted Muslims to remain loyal to them.

Thus, competitiveness between Muslims and Hindus in Upper India increased forcing Muslims to concentrate on defending their dominant position and it became a case for their brethren in other parts by default, once again a proof of the influence of the narrative making elite of NWP and Oudh. (p.339) The decision of some Muslim leaders to stand aloof from Congress was of potentially great political importance and gave them an incentive not to hold aloof from each other.(p.340) As Peter Hardy says leaders from among the Muslims(elites) if they came up were provided the followers by the government.(Peter Hardy, Muslims Of British India, 1972, p.122)

The Curious Case of the Borrowed Captain

As for Jinnah, he was elected from Bombay through the principle of separate electorate after Morley-Minto reforms. Jinnah advocated and helped see through the passage of the Waqf Validation Act of 1913 which helped him in being hailed as the champion of the “Kutchery Milieu.” Jinnah also got the Shariat Application Bill passed in 1937 and thus, the two most prominent issues which helped create a Muslim political constituency were adeptly captured by Jinnah. Ishtiaq Ahmed(Jinnah: His Successes, Failures And Role in History, 2020) has clearly brought out through the statements and speeches of Jinnah post the Lahore resolution(23-24 March 1940) that he categorically demanded partition and would stop at nothing short. Pertinent it is to note that the revival of the Muslim League as well as Jinnah happened only after he donned the Sherwani and gained ground in the UP. Maulana Azad’s statement that “students of Indian politics know that it was from the U.P. that the League was re-organized”( Pathway To Pakistan p.xiii) perhaps states the role of the “Kutchery Milieu”, the Muslim Elites of UP quite plainly. The chicanery of the “borrowed captain of the Kutchery Milieu” is even more evident from what Azad states further- “Mr.Jinnah took full advantage of the situation and started an offensive which led to Pakistan.” (Pathway To Pakistan p.xiii)

(Author: Bhavuk , PhD Candidate at The Department of History, AMU)