The Diminishing of a Hindutva Icon | M.R. Narayan Swamy

 
The horrific stampede that killed dozens at the Mahakumbh in Prayagraj is more than a tragedy whose blame can be laid on poor management by the Uttar Pradesh government. The disaster also signifies the colossal failure of the state’s chief minister, Adityanath Yogi, who was being projected as a new star of the Hindu Right and a probable next prime minister of India.
 
It is not that stampedes have not occurred in the past in this country, particularly at religious events and pilgrimage centres. But never before has there been a visible wilful attempt to initially deny that anything disastrous happened and then try to put a carpet on the incident.
 
The unfortunate aspect of the 2025 Mahakumbh was that it was sought to be used to boost the political prospects of one individual. It was more than clear even to those outside the Hindu rightwing ecosystem that Adityanath’s political stock was expected to zoom once he successfully oversaw what is undoubtedly the world’s largest religious gathering. It is no wonder that the state government poured millions of rupees into the event.

And much to the surprise of all, the chief minister, questioned about the whopping expenditure, revealed that his government expected to earn Rs 2 lakh crores from an estimated 400 million visitors to the Mahakumbh. I am not sure when anyone ever viewed religious events from the point of view of anticipated income.
 
There was another aspect to Adityanath’s worldview. He used the preparations for the January-February Mahakumbh to hit out at political opponents, accusing them of being ashamed of Hindu religious congregations. Either he was ignorant of the realities or he was pedalling an untruth. The fact is that various political parties have been in power in various states where the Kumbh has been held — since time immemorial. No state government spared any expense in holding them. This includes the Samajwadi Party which ruled Uttar Pradesh when the 2013 Mahakumbh was held in Allahabad.
 
Although Adityanath keeps parroting his loyalty to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, it was known that a silent cold war was on between the two men. The Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) was aware of this but maintained close ties with the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, upping his standing among supporters. Although Adityanath does not have an RSS/Jana Sangh background, his extreme views on Hinduism and other religions, particularly Islam and Muslims, have made him a favourite of the Hindu Right. Loyalists were fond of saying that Adityanath was the natural successor to Modi, who will turn 75 years this year.
 
So, this Mahakumbh was to be an important milestone in Adityanath’s political career. If everything went off fine, he would be seen as someone who successfully organised the world’s largest religious gathering. Minor blemishes would be overlooked. His political stock would reach unprecedented heights, at least in the eyes of the political faithful.
 
This is probably the reason why this Mahakumbh became an occasion to brazenly divide the devotees into ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ – or VVIPs and commoners. If the Uttar Pradesh government saw you as a VVIP, you could stay in a plush tent city in Prayagraj and bathe away from the crowds. The rest – the countless millions – put up with whatever came their way. Most, irrespective of age and gender, walked for varying kilometres (12 to 16), depending on from which direction they approached Prayagraj and where their vehicles were halted.
 
Countless thousands – men and women, mostly from poor or middleclass families — spent the night on the banks of the Ganges under the open sky despite the winter chill. According to Hindu YouTube journalists who provided many insights into and from the event, shortages of toilets and eating places was a common complaint. Women moaned about lack of private space for change of clothes; scores walked long distances in wet clothes after a dip in the holy river.
 
A retired Uttar Pradesh police officer who oversaw the 1989 Kumbh revealed how he was deluged with phone calls from ministers in New Delhi and Lucknow besides other state capitals seeking VIP treatment for them and their assistants as well as families. Overwhelmed, he told chief minister N.D. Tiwari that taking care of the numerous VIPs would adversely affect the well-being of the mass of devotees. Tiwari then made it clear to his ministers to visit Allahabad as ordinary pilgrims and not seek any special treatment. The same message was conveyed to the Central ministers through Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Knowing that his own presence would force security forces to pay inordinate attention to him, Tiwari refrained from visiting the event even once.

In contrast, the 2025 Mahakumbh appeared at one level all about VVIPs, including celebrities. Friendly journalists kept praising the IT- and AI-driven organisation of the entire affair – the meticulous way every aspect of the mammoth event was being managed. The chief minister kept visiting Prayagraj every other day, putting tremendous strain on the security personnel. A dip in the river by the country’s top political figures and celebrities became routine and got wide publicity – with generous praise of the organisers. A Hindu religious leader said Hindus who didn’t visit Prayagraj cannot be Hindus! Adityanath even held a cabinet meeting in the Ganges! If all this wasn’t enough, he found time to campaign in Delhi against Arvind Kejriwal! Days later, the tragedy occurred.

Adityanath first kept quiet about the deaths – for hours. According to insiders, he was afraid that if the news became public knowledge, then many ascetics, Naga sadhus included, could keep away from a dip on what was an auspicious day – Mauni amavasya. This would have been a disaster. According to some holy men, when they contacted him, the chief minister asked them not to believe in “rumours”. Trusting him, the all went ahead with the amavasya bath.
 
For hours, the mainstream media kept everyone in the dark about the colossal disaster. Hindi YouTube journalists were to first break the news. Soon after, Modi offered condolences. Home Minister Amit Shah followed suit.
 
Uttar Pradesh officials then went on the defensive. Yes, a tragedy had taken place, they admitted. But they were cagey about the death toll. Adityanath appeared before the media and shed tears. For a long time, it was stated that probably a dozen people were killed. The official figure eventually climbed to 30 dead and double the number injured. It was a sting operation by a Hindi YouTube news channel that revealed that the fatalities were much more.
 
Immediately, the administration cracked down on journalists approaching the mortuary. Ambulances were ordered to draw the curtains on their windows so that even bodies could not be videoed and photographed. A cover-up was on. This is where the latest tragedy differed from earlier stampedes; until now, no one had ever tried to cover up deaths. When the 2013 stampede took place, Uttar Pradesh minister Azam Khan, tasked with overseeing the event, submitted his resignation accepting moral responsibility. It is another matter that Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav did not accept his resignation.
 
In an apparent admission that the VVIP culture at the Mahakumbh was a key factor behind the calamity, Adityanath ordered an immediate cancellation of all VVIP passes after the stampede. This is what should have never been allowed at the first place.
 
The misfortune proved that when a religious event is sought to be held by belting out hate speech and with an eye on self-glorification, tragedies can follow. As countless people complained about poor crowd management and lack of adequate security, the tragedy forced crowds in Prayagraj to raise slogans against Adityanath. A section of the Hindu holy men too castigated the chief minister. It was the ultimate shame on a Hindutva mascot who wanted to climb the political ladder by riding on an ancient religious event.