Mainstream WeeklyLike his father Lalu Yadav, his younger son, the leader of opposition Tejashwi Yadav took to aggressive posture and announced headline-grabbing promises for the voters even before Bihar INDIA bloc comes out with its common minimum programme, purely with the intent of projecting himself as the chief minister face of Mahagathbandhan and the INDIA bloc.
Tejashvi would be next chief minister was never a contentious issue. Congress not declaring him as future chief minister was the part of its strategy to obliterate the impression amongst the Dalits, poor and proletariat, that it was as B team of RJD and dependent on the mercy of Lalu for survival. This action of Congress denied RJD, especially Lalu Yadav the tag the big brother.
Though Lalu claimed to be champion of the Dalits and poor and protector of their class interest, in reality he was perceived as the leader of he Yadav clan of the state. Significantly even though as chief minister, he enjoyed huge power and respectability, the upper caste Yadavs, like Krishnauts and Madhesia did not treat him as equals. This was the reason that upper caste Yadavs from Madhepura region did not support Lalu.
Lalu Yadav has commanded strong support among the backward and landless sections of the Yadavs. However, several factors explain why a portion of the upper-caste and more affluent Yadavs of Madhepura did not consistently vote for him, including the rise of alternative leaders, consolidation around "Mandal politics," and the evolution of caste dynamics in Bihar.
Yadav community is not a monolithic voting bloc. Differing social and economic positions exist within the community, which influence voting patterns. Upper-caste or economically better-off Yadavs align with parties that promise economic growth rather than those that emphasize traditional caste-based alliances. Significantly a major section of the upper caste Yadavs support BJP.
Madhepura has seen the rise of alternative powerful Yadav leaders who challenged Lalu’s dominance. The long-standing political battles between Lalu Yadav, Sharad Yadav, and Pappu Yadav in the Madhepura constituency have splintered the Yadav vote. This gave sections of the community, including some upper-caste Yadavs, viable alternatives to Lalu’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). While Lalu Yadav’s rise was cemented by his appeal to the backward classes through Mandal politics, this narrative has evolved over time.
Significantly upper-caste Yadavs felt that the RJD’s focus was not serving their interests. They shifted to politics of development. With political narratives increasingly focussing on development and good-governance even some dominant backward castes shifted their focus from traditional caste politics to issues of development. This has made them vote for leaders like Nitish Kumar.
After eighties Congress has lost much of its political base to RJD and other regional parties. During these years the Congress was seen as a creeper dependent on Lalu for its survival. Congress during the last 35 years has become a parry of the right revisionists, feudal lords and upper caste landlords, who wanted some peripheral involvement and share in state