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 • After Menon’s Exit

Mainstream, VOL L No 48, November 17, 2012

Testing Time for Non-Alignment
 • After Menon’s Exit

Wednesday 21 November 2012, by Nikhil Chakravartty

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From N.C.’s Writings

With American arms flown in in consi-derable quantity, along with defence weapons from other Western countries, the scales of non-alignment are threatened to be disturbed. While the allergy against Western arms has gone even in the case of the Indian Communists—such being the logic of the Chinese invasion of our motherland—the question has come up in a big way as to its impact on our foreign policy itself.

Although the Swatantra clamour for scrapping non-alignment has not yet become the vocal demand of any section of Congressmen, a disturbing symptom of our foreign policy ailment could be discerned in New Delhi during the last few days with quite a few even among the Congress MPs lamenting the reverses in our external relations.

It has not escaped notice here that during the hectic days of Parliament’s opening the MPs with a Western bias have suddenly been pitch-forked into prominence, while anti-Americanism has almost gone under the table. As a measure of the changed situation it is recalled here that three years ago Mr Eisenhower’s offer of help to India in the event of a showdown with China, conveyed discreetly through Smt Pandit, was politely declined by the Prime Minister.

While voices are heard about the futility of non-alignment, the Prime Minister himself is more than convinced about the wisdom of his foreign policy as being best suited for this country. There is, however, no gainsaying the fact that the highest quarters in New Delhi are worried over the new developments, both internal and external, that have forced the government to depend almost solely on the flow of Western arms to ward off the Chinese invader.

Viewed in this background, there was regret in the Capital over Moscow’s initial stands. Repeated Soviet reminders about the dangers of getting arms from the West, together with Moscow’s own difficulty in supplying arms in the face of Peking’s veto, did create an uneasy feeling here. The first Pravda editorial of October 25 was widely disliked not merely for its preference of the Chinese proposals but for underwriting Peking’s case against the McMahon Line itself.
In contrast, the second Pravda editorial of November 5 has created a slightly better impression, insofar as it reads like an appeal to both sides to the conflict and not to India alone; secondly, there is no homily about the origin of the McMahon Line; and thirdly, there is a more pronounced recognition of India’s positive role in contrast to Peking’s non-stop calumny about Nehru being expansionist and in the pay of the dollar. There is appreciation here of President Brezhnev’s speech when our new Ambassador, Sri T.N. Kaul, presented his credentials to the Soviet head of state: particularly noted here is his remark, “We are well aware that the foreign policy of India is based on peace and friendship.”

There is, however, a cautious approach about Moscow with a tinge of understanding that it could hardly afford to displease China in the critical balance over Cuba. This viewpoint, rein-forced by the Prime Minister’s interview to the CBS last week, interprets the marked change in shift between the first and the second Pravda editorials as indicative of Moscow’s displeasure with Peking’s denunciation of what it has called “the appeasement” over Cuba—an obvious dig at Mr Khrushchev himself. It appears that although Moscow lost good ground with the first Pravda editorial, there is an anxiety on its part to recover as much of it as possible in the coming weeks.

In this delicate balance of forces, Cairo has come into prominence with President Nasser playing a very significant role, which has been widely welcomed in this country. Contrary to what some tendentious press reports had suggested, responsible quarters in New Delhi have through-out been appreciative of the UAR President’s active interest in the present conflict.

The rejection of Cairo’s proposals for a cease-fire by Peking has rallied a larger number of non-aligned powers on India’s side. Prominent among these is Ceylon, while President Nasser’s lead will help to mobilise Arab opinion on our side, partially vitiated by Pakistan’s pro-Peking propaganda offensive.

It is understood that one of the factors which led UAR to take the initiative in the peace move was the concern at the mounting accretion of US influence in case the conflict drags on and India is forced to depend more and more on Western arms. Since this might spell the doom of non-alignment, President Nasser is most anxious to throw in his weight on the side of India and to persuade other interested powers like the Soviet Union to take a hand in bringing sense to Peking. How far the two-pronged peace moves on the part of Cairo and Moscow will succeed against Chinese truculence, it is too early to forecast. The upshot of it all would be a closer feeling of mutual sympathy and understanding between Cairo and New Delhi.

Political complexion given to the storm over Sri Krishna Menon has disturbed a number of these who had been unsparing in their criticism of bungling and inefficiency in the Defence Ministry. The provocative lead taken in the episode by the elements of the Right, particularly by the Jan Sangh and Swatantra Party, has created a new dilemma. For, there are many in New Delhi who would not like that the exit of Sri Menon should provide a harvest for these political opponents of the Prime Minister.

A new canard has now started that it is not Sri Krishna Menon alone who is to blame; it says the Prime Minister himself cannot escape the responsibility of having trusted China too long, and after all, Sri Menon has been the favourite of Sri Nehru himself, if not his alter ego. Under the circumstances, would the wolves be pacified with Sri Menon’s exit, or would they resume the chase once they have tasted blood?
It is also being said that just as Sri Menon has so long been a target of American antipathy, his exit might create the impression, in the East as well as in the West, that India is about to say good-bye to non-alignment.

However, the minus points scored by Sri Menon in the last week were provided by the criticisms heard about his Ministry and himself from the Chief Ministers who came to Delhi for the National Development Council meeting. Conspicuous among them was the Orissa Chief Minister—one-time protégé of Sri Krishna Menon himself—who not only demanded his resignation but even joined in the Congress MPs’ campaign against Sri Menon, reminding one of the lady who protested too much.

In contrast, Sri Menon’s letter of resignation, submitted more than a week before its actual acceptance by the Prime Minister, has been widely appreciated as a very dignified gesture in keeping with the best traditions of parliamentary democracy.

(‘New Delhi Skyline’ Mainstream, November 10, 1962)

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