Analysing the Assembly Election Results of Jharkhand and Maharashtra –- Welfare Schemes for Women & Implications | K. Gireesan

Analysing the election results of Jharkhand and Maharashtra legislative assemblies cannot be confined to which party/ coalition has formed the Government. It is significant to examine the ‘why’ factors behind the results that went in favour of the ruling coalitions in both the states with a huge majority, overcoming the ‘anti-incumbency’. Significantly, the final tally from both the states has defied most of the pre-poll and exit-poll predictions. The results, that brought cheers to the INDIA camp in Jharkhand and the NDA camp in Maharashtra, might not find its resonance and manifestations limited to the political discourses in these states alone.

The initiatives, interventions and narratives from these states could act as pointers to other parts of the country as well. They have the potentials to raise flags to the political parties to examine the ‘initiatives for political expediency’, and to analyse the ‘choices of economic rationality’ of the initiatives made, with thrust on the timing of its launch. In addition, the questions like ‘what works’ and ‘what does not work’ cannot be wished away in addition to the ‘when and why factors’ behind these initiatives. An attempt has been made here to analyse the ‘possible implications’ of welfare schemes for women launched in Jharkhand and Maharashtra just few weeks before the release of election notification.

‘Mukhyamantri Maiyya Samman Yojana’ in Jharkhand

The Department of Women, Child Development & Social Security, Govt. of Jharkhand launched the ‘Mukhyamantri Maiyya Samman Yojana’ scheme aims to enhance the financial security and well-being of women across the state. The scheme was formally launched by the Chief Minister of Jharkhand on 18 Aug 2024, just before the Raksha Bandhan. It aims ‘to benefit 48 lakh women statewide with a financial assistance of Rs 1,000/- per month, amounting to Rs 12,000/- annually.’ [1] The payments are directly deposited into their bank accounts by the 15th of every month. The scheme was designed and operated in such a way that before going to the assembly elections, a minimum amount of Rs 3,000/- to Rs 4,000/- would have reached the purse of the target group. Women who are permanent residents of Jharkhand ‘between the age group of 21-50 years, with certain conditionalities attached, are eligible to receive the financial support under this scheme.’ [2]

Election Manifesto of Major Parties in Jharkhand

One of the important highlights of the manifesto of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) was its ‘promise of 33% of reservation to women in State government jobs.’ [3] Indian National Congress, the coalition partner of JMM, released its manifesto just one day prior to the first phase of polls in Jharkhand. It gave the ‘promise of 250 units of free electricity, caste-based census and filling up of all vacant government posts within a year.’ [4] However, the manifesto was silent on any specific assurances to women’s welfare.

To outsmart the assured benefits of ‘Mukhyamantri Maiyya Samman Yojana’, Bharatiya Janata Party came up with its alternative, ‘GoGo Didi’ scheme. This scheme has made the provision of ‘financial support of Rs 2,100/- to every woman of Jharkhand with an assurance to deposit the amount on 11th of every month.’ [5] And the NDA ally, the All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) in its manifesto, assured 30 guarantees with focus on schemes for youth, aid for farmers and women.’ [6]

Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Behan Yojana in Maharashtra

The ‘Mukhyamantri-Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana’ was launched by the Govt. of Maharashtra in the State Budget 2024-25. It was announced by the then Finance Minister on 28 June 2024. The scheme by the Women and Children Development Department, Govt. of Maharashtra aims at financial assistance and other benefits to women in Maharashtra with annual family income less than Rs 2.5 lakh. The scheme has provisions for multiple benefits to the eligible women such as ‘monthly financial assistance for Rs 1,500/-, provision of three free LPG cylinders in a year and fee waivers for poor girls belonging to Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) for higher education admission in colleges.’ [7] It is expected to provide ‘economic freedom to women, improve their health and nutrition, and strengthening their decisive role in family.’ [8]

Election Manifesto of Major Coalitions/ Parties in Maharashtra

In the manifesto prepared by the BJP for the Legislative Assembly elections, there is a separate section titled as ‘Mahila Samman: Security, respect and equality of opportunity for all women in the state’. Among the different promises to women, raising the financial assistance under the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana from Rs 1,500/- per month to Rs 2,100/- has been highlighted. In addition, under the Mukhyamantri Annapurna Yojana, the provision of three free gas cylinders annually to each family has been retained. The manifesto includes several promises such as ‘Mahila Atma Nirbharta, Woman Changemakers, and, Mahila samman, safety & facilities.’ [9]

The election manifesto of Maha Vikas Aghadi jointly prepared by the Indian National Congress, Nationalist Congress Party (SP), Shiv Sena (UBT), Samajwadi Party and Aam Aadmi Party highlighted several provisions for women welfare. Significantly, there is a separate section titled as ‘Pawar, Gandhi and Thackeray’s Commitment in the First 100 days’ that highlighted that a ‘monthly allowance of Rs 3,000/- will be provided to women under the Mahalaxmi Scheme.’ [10] This may be viewed as an alternative by the Mahayuti coalition to the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana of Maha Vikas Aghadi coalition. In addition, the manifesto also includes several women-centric and women-friendly provisions.

Political implications

By analysing the timing for launch of the ‘Mukhyamantri Maiyya Samman Yojana’ in Jharkhand and steady transfer of scheme benefits to the target group without any major administrative hassles since its launch, it can be viewed that the scheme was conceived specifically to attract women voters of marginalized sections and economically weaker sections. It also helped to turn the tables of the assembly election verdict favourably towards the ruling coalition. By scheduling the launch of the scheme just before the ‘Raksha Bandhan’, it was expected to highlight ‘special protection and support’ for mothers, sisters and daughters’ in sync with the cultural connections of the festival. The near-similarity in the name of the scheme with the acronym Jharkhand Mukhyamantri Maiyya Samman Yojana (JMMSY) with that of the major ruling party, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) also cannot be just coincidental.

Govt. of Maharashtra declared a special Diwali bonus under the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana by releasing the financial support for two months at one go. Instead of the usual monthly payment of Rs 1,500/- for a month, the beneficiaries were paid an amount of Rs 3,000/- as a special Diwali Bonus in October 2024 which includes early release for a month. This was intended to provide financial relief ahead of the festival season, that enabled women to celebrate Diwali with more pomp and show. Probably, the release of early release of financial support during the festival season also may also have influenced the voting pattern positively towards the ruling coalition.

Considering the surge in percentage of women voters who exercised their franchise during the assembly elections in both the States and the election results where the ruling coalitions were able to garner more number of seats and voting percentage, virtually defying the predictions of most of the ‘political jyotishis’, it is viewed that the ‘political expediency’ behind the launch of the scheme has achieved its immediate objective in both the states.

Epilogue

The election results from Jharkhand and Maharashtra have shown that the ‘initiatives for political expediency’ have still an edge ahead of the ‘choices of economic rationality’ when it comes to electoral politics. It showed that certain initiatives, which are yet to bring in tangible outcomes, could influence the hearts and minds of the voters, if packaged with due care and communicated well to the target group. It highlights that even the last minute announcements could affect the ‘electoral compass’ and influence the patterns and preferences of the voters, unless adequately exposed by providing counter-narratives by the opposition with a strong rationale, effective communication strategies and efficient machinery at the grassroots.

Note: The views expressed by the author are personal.

(Authors: Dr. K. Gireesan, Head, Dept. of Public Administration, Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development, Regional Centre, Chandigarh – 160 012. E-mail: gireesan.decentralisation[at]gmail.com)