R.G. Kar Rape-Murder and its Aftermath: A Review in Feminist Perspective | Manas Mukul Bandyopadhyay

The Supreme Court is overseeing the CBI’s probe into the gruesome rape and murder case of a trainee doctor of R. G. Kar Hospital and Medical College (Kolkata, WB) on 9th August (2024), which is being treated as a serious criminal offence. The focus of this write up is not about the judgment of the crime, but rather an analysis of the issue through the lens of feminist thought and perspective. On the night of August 14th (2024) in protest against that incident, more men than women were seen participating in the ‘Reclaim the Night’ (Raat Dakhal) campaign led by women. Actually, the campaign likely aims to challenge traditional gender norms and promote gender equality in the workplace. Despite being a spontaneous movement, some individuals have attempted to label it as being driven by party politics. Amidst the outrage in West Bengal and outside over the rape and murder of the concerned doctor at her workplace, the women, transgender and queer feminist groups called for a protest rally, stating that on August 14th, on the eve of India’s Independence Day, women and marginalized sexual identity individuals should occupy the night symbolically. This innovative call to action aimed to go beyond demanding justice for the victim and criticizing government inaction on women’s safety. Instead, the ‘Reclaim the Night’ movement seeks to awaken the public to the reality that sexual oppression is ultimately perpetuated by patriarchal systems. The core question of this ‘Night Occupation’ programme is rooted in feminism – why is it that when a woman steps out at night, she must demonstrate ‘bravery’ and take responsibility for her own safety, a burden that men are never expected to bear ? Is it not the same uneven morality, which denies women the right to safety on the streets/at the workplaces at night, yet grants men the freedom to roam unhindered, and shelters them in sexual harassment? Thus the ‘Reclaim the Night’ programme aims to point out that the patriarchal structure of society is the root cause of this uneven morality, which questions women’s safety at night. Patriarchal society perpetuates male supremacy, establishing a moral structure that regulates and dictates women’s bodily autonomy and mental agency.

Within that moral framework, society constructs masculinity as the epitome of power, courage, intellect, rationality, and resilience, positioning it at the pinnacle of superiority. Patriarchy stereotypes femininity associating it with traits like fragility, fearfulness, emotional subjugation, illogicality, flightiness, deeming these characteristics, inherently subordinate to masculine attributes. As a result, rape frequently serves as an instrument to dominate and punish the ‘deviant’ woman, suppress the defiant, or claim ownership over women from the opposing faction, thereby justifying its perpetration. Furthermore, patriarchy confers legitimacy solely on heterosexuality, recognizing it as the only natural and genuine form of sexuality. This leads to the marginalization and persecution of individuals with non-conforming sexual orientations, as their sexual expressions are labeled illegitimate. By branding transgender people, as ‘abnormal’, patriarchal systems facilitate their marginalization and exploitation. The women’s ‘Nighttime protests’ (Raat Dakhal) have been viewed by many as catalyst for a fundamental shift in societal awareness. Numerous individuals have joined the movement, marching and raising their voices together. The historic midnight gathering of women and transgender people on the city streets of the state has electrified numerous individuals. But did that enthusiasm have any lasting effect?

The conveners of ‘Raat Dakhal’ (Reclaim the Night) envisioned a nighttime landscape where women, transgender people and queer individuals reclaim and occupy the space. They appealed that men should demonstrate solidarity by lining up on either side of the procession path, but do not attempt to dictate or control the programme in any way. Today numerous men in the public sphere are raising their voices in indignation, seeking justice over the horrific exploitation of a woman. However did men, in a gesture of respect for women’s desires, voluntarily vacate the streets, yielding complete control to women, transgender individuals, and queer people, on the night of the 14th August (2024). For at least one night, even if only as a symbol, patriarchy would be dismantled. However, that did not materialize in practice. That night, in all gatherings across Kolkata and its suburbs, mail dominance was evident in a ratio of 70:30 both in terms of numbers and the assertiveness of voices. At numerous locations, men largely controlled the selection of speakers, formulation of slogans, and planning of the rally’s route. In our neighbourhood, I saw a man leading the slogans. Then, he essentially granted permission to the elderly women present, saying, ‘Now you may sing and dance as you please’, thereby reinforcing patriarchal norms where leadership and intellectual authority were masculine domains, and women’s rallies were relegated to ‘gentler’ and ‘less consequential’ activities like music and dance only.

It is no surprise, therefore, that numerous women and transgender individuals became victims of male exploitation while demonstrating against sexual harassment at the largest assemblies. It is through social media that we are coming to know about the victims’ experiences in their own words.

Here it should be kept in mind that: what does it mean for the women’s ‘Reclaim the Night’ initiative to encounter resistance in this manner? An important question naturally emerges: if feminist advocacy fails to reclaim that night unconditionally, whose political agenda dominates that night? It is patriarchy, needless to say. However upon examining the issue within the intricacies of historical contexts, a subtler inquiry emerges naturally: Has the entire notion of ‘Reclaiming the Night’ been appropriated from feminist politics by some other political ideology? Is that politics then party politics? Or why on the night of the 14th August (2024), in many cases, does a woman who accuses a man of physical harassment during a rally get accused and her friends get labeled as belonging to the ruling party? How did a portion of the rally on that day veer off course and engage in destructive behavior at the local police station, contrary to the intentions of the women’s movement activists? Who manipulated this unexpected shift in the women’s planned agenda? It is possible that they belonged to the ruling party, and, rattled by the scale of the protest, tried to tarnish the occupation movement’s image by resorting to this tactic. Perhaps, they are from different factions, who view the police station occupation, as the harbinger of ‘Revolution’, facilitating their ambitious quest for power. Furthermore, it’s reasonable to infer that from the standpoint of certain partisan ideologies, doubts emerged, such as: Why are women wearing veils (burkas) absent from this protest agenda? Another significant event that raises eyebrows is the ‘occupation’ of August 17th (2024) night, which surprisingly was not initiated or endorsed by any women’s or LGBTQ + organizations. Unaware of which group (s) exploited the popular appeal of ‘Night Occupation’ under the guise of non-politics, but by extending equal invitation to men for the occupation project, they inadvertently undermined the feminist integrity of that concept. Their profound dearth of gender sensitivity led them to overlook the entrenched fact that nighttime spaces are traditionally dominated by men.

The ruling party in WB has retreated somewhat, frantic to cling to power. The widespread perception that the (formerly) hospital principal, accused of rape, murder, and evidence tampering, was shielded by those in ruling power, has now taken firm root in the public consciousness. The state ruling party has accused the ‘Reclaim the Night’ movement of being a conspiracy orchestrated by two main opposition parties in the state. This narrative has insultingly implied that feminists, trans-genders, and queer individuals, who are typically organizers, have insignificant roles. This narrative has also denied the fundamental differences between feminist movements and party politics. By labeling the entire rally as party politics, this narrative has disrespected the ordinary women who spontaneously participated in the ‘Night Occupation’ in large numbers. The public’s suspicion against the Principal has deepened, and correspondingly, the ruling party’s cries for the hanging of the rapist have grown louder. The state ruling party’s call for the rapist’s execution, as seen in the current discourse, lacks any semblance of gender sensitivity. Instead, I perceive a lack of awareness when the government, in its new guidelines for healthcare safety, recommends exempting female healthcare workers from night shifts. As a result, men will monopolize nighttime workplaces. Ultimately, the Supreme Court later directed the modification of this order, and the state government was severely rebuked by the court.

Feminists and rights-activists who sought to create a mass awareness about gender sensitivity through ‘Night Occupation’ programme are now witnessing group-ism and factionalism in that very space. As the ruling party and opposition parties engage in a bitter stand-off, silencing each other, the actual victim of rape and murder will continue to be exploited as mere scapegoats, caught in the crossfire. Her dignity will be violated. Following a long period of inaction, the Bengali middle class finally mobilized, taking to the streets to express their outrage and alleviate the guilt of their previous silence, searching for a semblance of emotional peace. Concurrent with the Abhaya (fictitious name) case, rape incidents in Manipur, Uttrakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, or Assam won’t disturb the emotional equilibrium. This is due to the fact that middle-class gender sensitivity, confined within regional boundaries, restricts the scope of seeking justice for rape victims to within those boundaries. During this leisure, sons will be groomed in an environment perpetuating male supremacy. As women and queer individuals progress towards empowerment. The patriarchal expression of these sons will intensify, often manifesting as predatory and exploitative behaviour. Regardless of the political regime, the procession of rapes will continue – Bantala, Dhantala, Birati, Singur, Sitai, Kamduni, Ausgram, and R. G. Kar. The important question is whether the existing patriarchal social structure will ultimately maintain its power and influence, despite efforts towards gender equality and social change.

(Author: Manas Mukul Bandyopadhyay (M.Phil, Ph.D), Associate Professor (Retd.) Chandernagore College, Hooghly, West Bengal)